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Fresh Cranberry Sauce

Fresh Cranberry Sauce


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Cranberry sauce is the ultimate topping for any dish. You can put it on your turkey, sandwich, mashed potatoes, and more! Making it with this recipe calls for simple steps and store-bought ingredients.

Ingredients

  • 12 Ounces bag of whole fresh cranberries
  • 1/2 Cup granulated sugar
  • 1/2 Cup packed light brown sugar
  • 1/4 Cup red wine
  • 3/4 Cups water
  • 1 sliced orange rind (without white pith)

Servings4

Calories Per Serving249

Folate equivalent (total)1µgN/A


Cranberry Sauce

Elise founded Simply Recipes in 2003 and led the site until 2019. She has an MA in Food Research from Stanford University.

Do you like cranberry sauce? My father can't get enough of it during the holiday season. He'll even stock up on fresh cranberries when they become available in late October, and freeze them to eat all year long.

I think he looks forward to Thanksgiving just because he knows he can have as much cranberry sauce as he wants with his slices of turkey, and plenty leftover for turkey sandwiches.

When he finally runs out of frozen cranberries sometime in May, he'll start buying the cans. He'll hide the cans in a remote corner of the pantry and eat up the canned cranberries all by himself. Yes, he's a little obsessed.


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The Best Cranberry Sauce

Our classic cranberry sauce has the ideal texture of tart whole berries suspended in a sweet jammy sauce we added citrus peel for a little extra brightness. Don't be tempted to skip the salt and and pepper at the end. It may seem a bit odd, but salt brings out the fruitiness of the berries while pepper gives the sauce a warm and spicy finish.

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30 Best Homemade Cranberry Sauce Recipes for a Twist on Tradition

What's deliciously sweet, eye-catching, and the ultimate Thanksgiving dinner condiment? Cranberry sauce, of course! Here, we've rounded up the best homemade cranberry sauce recipes in the hopes that you'll skip the store-bought stuff this year and delight your guests with a fresh batch instead. The truth is, whether it's your Thanksgiving feast, Christmas dinner, or just a chilly-weather dinner party, no turkey dinner is complete without this goes-with-anything sauce. It provides a brightness and sweetness that we just can't imagine going without. Maybe you're hosting this year and looking for ways to one-up last year's meal. or maybe you've just been tasked with bringing this one holiday staple to a bigger potluck dinner. Either way, we promise you'll steal the show with a cranberry sauce recipe from this list. And we've made it easy to pick and choose a cranberry concoction that fits the theme, mood, and style of your particular celebration. Opt for a more traditional, classic sauce with one of these five-ingredient recipes, or throw in a splash of bolder, more adventurous flavor (think: orange-infused sauces, splashes of bourbon and Grand Marnier, pineapple and apple additions, and more). Whichever you choose, your friends and family are bound to be happy you went with homemade. Happy Thanksgiving!

Adding orange juice and zest to cranberry sauce before is a combination we've come to love. Here, that welcome citrus taste is further accentuated with the addition of lime.

Get the recipe at The Recipe Critic.

Cranberry sauce is pretty and celebratory enough all on its own. But when it's topped with a sprig of mint, it suddenly becomes even more festive.

Get the recipe at Cooking Classy.

Bourbon? Who would've thought? Your (of age) guests won't be able to stop talking about this cool twist on the traditional cranberry sauce recipe.


How to Make Cranberry Sauce

Fresh cranberries are available for a short time, so I like to buy extra and pop them into the freezer to use throughout the year. You can find fresh cranberries at your local grocery stores and farmers’ markets from early fall to late winter.

This cranberry sauce is more like a chutney or a jam rather than a jelly like the canned stuff. If you want a smoother sauce, you can process it in a food processor or use a handheld stick blender to break down the berries into smaller pieces.

A detailed and printable recipe can be found at the bottom of this article, but these are the general steps for making cranberry sauce:

Step 1: Prepare the Cranberries

Select fresh cranberries that are firm and brightly colored. Rinse well under clean running water.

Step 2: Zest and Juice the Oranges

Use a box grater to zest the oranges, cut them in half, and juice each half. Measure 1 cup of orange juice. Add water if you don’t have enough juice.

Step 3: Combine the Ingredients

Add the cranberries, brown sugar, orange juice, and orange zest to a small saucepan. Stir to combine.

Step 4: Cook the Cranberry Sauce

Bring the pan to a boil over medium-high heat, and then reduce the heat to a simmer, and cook until the cranberries pop, and the sauce thickens, about 15 minutes. Stir frequently to prevent sticking.

Step 5: Chill the Cranberry Sauce

Remove the pan from the heat, place on a cutting board, and let the sauce cool to room temperature. The sauce will thicken up further as it cools. Pour it into a container and chill before serving.

Make Ahead Cranberry Sauce: Cranberry sauce can be made in advance. Follow the recipe, and store in the refrigerator for up to one week, or freeze up to a month.

Serve cranberry sauce with roasted turkey, stuffing, mashed potatoes, turkey gravy, and other holiday side dishes. Leftovers are delicious layered into a turkey sandwich, spread on your morning toast, or swirled into yogurt.


10 Easy Cranberry Sauce Recipes for Your Thanksgiving Table

Cranberry sauce is an essential condiment for the holiday and completes our Thanksgiving table. With its deep red color, tart-sweet flavor combination, and jellied texture, it's something that we wait all year for (much like the roast turkey it pairs so well with). While some Thanksgiving hosts rely on the canned variety, we know fresh cranberry sauce tastes and looks so much better&mdashand it is so quick and easy to make.

Our basic formula for making cranberry sauce is surprisingly simple. It takes just about 15 minutes to cook and can be made up to three days in advance. Just simmer fresh or frozen cranberries with water, sugar (generally light brown sugar is best since it adds a subtle molasses flavor), and warm aromatic spices such as cinnamon or nutmeg. Let the sauce cool to room temperature, then transfer to an airtight container and place in the refrigerator.

Each of these 10 cranberry sauce recipes here offers a variation on that easy method. Cranberry Pomegranate Relish pairs frozen cranberries with pomegranate seeds, which add texture and even more tartness to the sauce. Interested in trying a cranberry sauce recipe that is slightly sweeter? Our Cranberry-Grape Compote is bursting with the flavor of fresh fruit and has plenty of texture too. For those who want classic cranberry flavor, we also have riffs on the basic sauce.

Most of these cranberry sauce recipes come together in under 30 minutes and can be made days in advance to minimize the amount of pots and pans you need to manage on Thanksgiving morning. Definitely a win-win!

Any of these cranberry sauce recipes are sure to enhance your Thanksgiving feast this year.


How long does cranberry sauce last? Can I freeze cranberry sauce?

Cranberry sauce is a wonderful dish to make ahead because it keeps well in the fridge for up to two weeks. Yay for holiday meal prep!!

If you want to hold onto it for even longer, it can be frozen for two months (for best flavor) or even up to a year.

More Great Side Dishes:


Homemade Cranberry Sauce

Honestly this is almost as easy as opening up the canned stuff and you know your Thanksgiving spread deserves better.

Why make homemade cranberry sauce?

Obviously the flavor is better than store-bought cranberry sauce or the canned stuff, but it's the texture that we love so much when we make it homemade. Perfectly for spooning onto everything on your plate.

Can I use fresh or frozen cranberries?

Yes, either! Fresh cranberries can be found in the grocery store about a month before Thanksgiving and hang around through Christmas. Frozen cranberries are available year-round and tend to be a little cheaper. They're picked at peak ripeness, so they're just as good as fresh ones.

How do I make homemade cranberry sauce?

It will honestly take you 10 minutes&mdashthat's it. All you have to do is combine cranberries, water, and sugar in a saucepan and cook down the cranberries until they begin to burst, which only takes 10 minutes. Then remove from heat and stir in your citrus. We like orange zest, but lemon also works (Meyer lemon would be AMAZING). For a fresh twist, sub in lime.

Can I use orange juice?

Yes! You can sub in O.J. for some or all of the water when you add everything to the saucepan.

Can I make cranberry sauce ahead of time?

Absolutely! This is one of the Thanksgiving dishes you can get off your plate up to a week in advance. (Bonus: The flavors will meld and deepen while it hangs out in the fridge.) Let it cool to room temperature in the saucepan, then transfer to a resealable container and refrigerate until the big feast.

Tried homemaking this holiday staple? Let us know how it went in the comments below!


20+ Delicious Cranberry Sauce Recipes

There are just a few staple dishes that every Thanksgiving table needs, and no turkey or ham dish is complete without a side of sweet, tart cranberry sauce. Our Test Kitchen has been hard at work testing cranberry recipes, creating a cranberry dish to suit every palate. From classic recipes to anything but traditional, these cranberry dishes will add big, bold flavor to your holiday menu. Our classic chilled and molded Cranberry-Apricot Sauce is fruity and delicious, and our Cranberry-Jalapeno Salsa packs a spicy punch. With options ranging from zesty cranberry relishes, savory compotes, citrusy salads, and bold chutneys, you will surely find a way to incorporate the holiday berry into your Thanksgiving menu. If all else fails, you simply cannot go wrong with our Grandma Erma&rsquos Spirited Cranberry Sauce &ndash the secret ingredient is orange liqueur. Here&rsquos a big bonus: most versions of this condiment keep for a while. Enjoy on Thanksgiving with your turkey and pork, and then use the leftovers for a sweet sandwich spread.


Cranberry salad recipe

This creamy dish may look like dessert, but it's actually a sweet and tangy cranberry side dish that's delicious with turkey. It only takes 10 minutes to make and it can sit in the fridge while the rest of the dishes are getting prepped for the holiday.

A Culture of Fear at the Firm That Manages Bill Gates' Fortune

For 27 years, Bill Gates has entrusted the management of his enormous wealth and the endowment of his giant foundation to a single man: Michael Larson. Larson has invested the Microsoft co-founder’s money in farmland, hotels, stocks, bonds, even a bowling alley. Thanks in part to Larson and the soaring value of Microsoft’s shares, Gates’ fortune has gone from less than $10 billion to about $130 billion. But Larson, 61, also engaged in a pattern of workplace misconduct at Gates’ money-management firm, Cascade Investment, according to 10 former employees as well as others familiar with the firm. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times He openly judged female employees on their attractiveness, showed colleagues nude photos of women on the internet and on several occasions made sexually inappropriate comments. He made a racist remark to a Black employee. He bullied others. When an employee said she was leaving Cascade, Larson retaliated by trying to hurt the stock price of the company she planned to join. Over the years, at least six people — including four Cascade employees — complained to Gates about Larson, according to former employees and others with direct knowledge of the complaints. (Several of them also complained to his wife, Melinda French Gates.) Cascade made payments to at least seven people who witnessed or knew about Larson’s behavior in exchange, they agreed to never speak about their time at the firm. Even as Cascade grew to more than 100 employees and to manage more money than most Wall Street hedge funds, the perception that Larson had Gates’ unflinching support allowed him to maintain a culture of fear inside the company’s lakeside offices, the former employees said. Larson still runs Cascade. Gates’ reluctance to take decisive action at Cascade adds to an emerging portrait of the billionaire philanthropist that is at odds with his image as a roving global do-gooder and champion of women’s empowerment. As The New York Times has reported, Gates for years regularly spent time with Jeffrey Epstein, who faced accusations of sex trafficking of girls — a relationship that was among the factors precipitating French Gates’ recent decision to seek a divorce. And on at least a few occasions, Gates pursued women who worked for him at Microsoft and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. In 2019, Microsoft’s board investigated one of those cases, in which Gates acknowledged he had an affair with an employee. Gates stepped down from the board last year. Larson and Chris Giglio, his spokesman, denied some but not all instances of Larson’s misconduct. “During his tenure, Mr. Larson has managed over 380 people, and there have been fewer than five complaints related to him in total,” Giglio said. He added, “Any complaint was investigated and treated seriously and fully examined, and none merited Mr. Larson’s dismissal.” Giglio and Bridgitt Arnold, a spokesperson for Gates, said that Bill and Melinda Gates Investments, whose name is sometimes used interchangeably with Cascade’s, has robust policies to deal with employee complaints about wrongdoing. “BMGI takes all complaints seriously and seeks to address them effectively to guarantee a safe and respectful workplace,” Giglio said. Arnold said, “BMGI does not tolerate inappropriate behavior.” She added that “any issue raised over the company’s history has been taken seriously and resolved appropriately.” Larson said, “Calling BMGI a toxic work environment is unfair to the 160 professionals who make up our team and our culture.” Courtney Wade, a spokeswoman for French Gates, said, “Melinda unequivocally condemns disrespectful and inappropriate conduct in the workplace. She was unaware of most of these allegations given her lack of ownership of and control over BMGI.” Some former Cascade employees declined to comment because of nondisclosure agreements that prohibit them from discussing their time at the company. Others spoke on the condition of anonymity because they feared retribution. Years after they left Cascade, a few found talking about Larson so upsetting that they could hardly speak. A Generic Name Before Larson, Gates’ financial consigliere was Andrew L. Evans, a longtime friend who had previously served a six-month prison sentence for bank fraud. (Gates visited him in jail.) But when Evans’ criminal record was spotlighted in a front-page Wall Street Journal article in 1993, Gates sought out a new money manager. The next year, he hired Larson, who previously was a fund manager at Putnam Investments. In 1995, Cascade was incorporated in Washington state. The generic-sounding name with no reference to Gates allowed Larson to run a vast investment operation with a low public profile. From the start, Cascade, whose sole function was to manage the Gateses’ money, was deeply entwined with the wider Gates universe, including Microsoft. The firm is in the same office park in Kirkland, Washington, as Gates’ personal office, Gates Ventures, and across the street from French Gates’s own group, Pivotal Ventures. Over the years, employees have moved among Cascade, the Gates Foundation, Microsoft, the two Gates ventures and K&L Gates, the law firm where Gates’ father had been a named partner. In 2005, when Cascade needed a new human resources executive, the company hired a Microsoft veteran. Larson regularly hired people fresh out of college or in the early stages of their careers. Graduates of Claremont McKenna College, his alma mater, were a particular favorite. The college has several scholarships endowed by Larson. Some employees saw working at Cascade as a way to make the world a better place. Because Cascade also oversees the Gates Foundation’s $50 billion endowment, helping it do well meant more money for things like fighting malaria and funding education. Others said they were star-struck by the idea of working for Gates, who founded Microsoft in 1975 with Paul Allen. Throughout his tenure, Larson earned steady returns for Gates. He invested largely in undervalued, old-fashioned stocks, eschewing hot tech companies. When the dot-com bubble burst in 2000, the strategy paid off. Larson also shielded Gates’ assets from the steepest declines of the recession in 2008 and 2009. Larson branched out into real estate and high-end hotels. He bought a 47.5% stake in the Four Seasons chain. He acquired vast tracts of land that by some estimates make Gates the largest private owner of farmland in the United States. Chasing the highest returns was not the main goal. The mandate, according to one former employee, was: “We don’t want Bill’s name in the headlines.” ‘You Live in the Ghetto’ In the spring of 2004, Stacy Ybarra decided to quit her job at Cascade to join the internet company InfoSpace. Ybarra, then 30, had joined Cascade three years earlier as an investor relations analyst. After she announced her planned departure, Larson became so angry that he shorted the stock of InfoSpace, according to three people familiar with the episode. (Short selling involves placing bearish bets on the company’s shares, which sometimes causes the stock to fall.) Two of the people said they saw Larson’s trades on their computer terminals. Larson told Ybarra and others that he had shorted InfoSpace’s stock out of spite, according to the three people, who heard about his remarks at the time. Giglio confirmed that Cascade shorted the stock but denied that Larson did it to spite Ybarra. At the same time, Larson repeatedly pressured Ybarra to remain at Cascade. She ultimately agreed to stay. On Election Day that November, Larson asked some Cascade employees in the office about the best time to go vote. Ybarra, who is Black, replied that she had voted that morning without having to wait in line. Larson responded: “But you live in the ghetto, and everybody knows that Black people don’t vote.” The scene was described by two people who heard the comment and a third who was told about it later. Giglio denied that Larson made the remark. At least one employee at Cascade complained to human resources about Larson’s remark. The complaint made its way to Gates and French Gates, who later spoke to Ybarra as part of an internal investigation, according to people familiar with the matter. In January 2005, she quit Cascade, received a small payout and agreed to not speak about the firm in the future. “When these allegations were made more than 15 years ago, BMGI took them very seriously” and hired an independent lawyer to investigate, Giglio said. He added that it is standard procedure at Cascade to have employees sign confidentiality agreements when they get severance packages. Potential to Embarrass In November 2006, Gates and French Gates were sent another complaint about Larson. This one was from Robert E. Sydow, a California fund manager who had been close friends with Larson and whose firm, Grandview Capital Management, had been hired by Larson to manage a $1.6 billion slice of the foundation’s endowment. Sydow wrote a six-page letter to the Gateses accusing Larson of abruptly severing Cascade’s ties with Grandview after a dispute. (The dispute, Sydow wrote, came after Sydow warned Larson that he needed “to stop using his power to hurt others in anger.”) The letter, reviewed by The Times, said Larson had harmed Grandview’s reputation in part by spreading “false and defamatory” lies about it in the market. Sydow, the godfather to one of Larson’s children, went on to describe multiple instances of Larson seeking to punish employees who left Cascade and retaliating against those who cooperated with the investigation into his treatment of Ybarra, among other things. Larson has “the potential to greatly embarrass both you and the foundation,” Sydow wrote. “We exit agreements with third-party investment managers for a variety of reasons,” Larson said in a statement sent by Giglio. After Ybarra’s departure, Cascade hired a new head of human resources, Kathy Berman. She had once worked at Microsoft, most recently as the head of executive recruiting. Around then, there were also efforts to create physical distance between Larson and some Cascade employees, including moving a number of people onto a different floor from Larson’s office, according to three former employees. Giglio said employee morale was high. Cascade employees including Larson were required to undergo sexual harassment and sensitivity training. Larson didn’t seem to take it seriously, one former employee said. “We don’t need this,” the former employee recalled Larson saying. Giglio denied that. Larson’s conduct did not improve, former employees said. In emails, he sometimes castigated colleagues as “stupid” or called their work “garbage,” according to several people who saw the emails. (The missives came to be known as “Larson bombs.”) At meetings, he would sometimes dismiss employees’ presentations with comments like, “That’s the dumbest idea I’ve ever heard.” “Years ago, earlier in my career, I used harsh language that I would not use today,” Larson said in the statement. “I regret this greatly but have done a lot of work to change.” At a work Christmas party in the mid-2000s, Larson was seated outdoors with a small group of male employees after dinner, according to one of the men. Three female colleagues were standing about 20 feet away. “Which one of them do you wanna” have sex with? Larson asked the men, using a profane verb. When a female employee was on a Weight Watchers program, Larson asked her, “Are you losing weight for me?” according to someone who heard the remark. Another former employee said Larson would ask male employees whether certain women at Cascade were single. On at least one occasion in recent years, with employees looking on, Larson displayed photographs of naked women on his phone and compared them to Berman, the human resources executive, according to a former employee who witnessed the incident and another person who was told about it. (Berman left Cascade in 2015.) Another woman who worked at Cascade said Larson asked her if she would strip for a certain amount of money. Larson denied making any of those comments. “This is not true,” he said. A Canceled Contract About three years ago, Megan Scott, Larson’s chief of staff, complained to the Gateses about Larson, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. Among her concerns was that Larson was preparing to sign a five-year contract with a recruiting firm that a Cascade employee, Pamela Harrington, was starting, two of the people said. (The proposed contract would pay Harrington’s firm an annual retainer that started at less than $1.5 million and over time decreased to $400,000, said Mitchell Langberg, a lawyer for Harrington.) Scott and another employee complained to the Gateses about what they saw as the close personal relationship between Larson and Harrington, the people said. “This allegation unfairly emanates from a former disgruntled employee who has tried hard to undermine the reputation of Mrs. Harrington, a highly accomplished and successful individual in her own right,” Giglio said. Gates told Larson to cancel the proposed contract with Harrington’s firm, the people said. Giglio said the decision was part of a broader move “not to outsource many internal functions, including recruiting.” By 2019, that had apparently changed. Langberg said that BMGI entered into an executive recruiting contract with Harrington’s firm that December. “Mrs. Harrington has been providing service under that contract since that time,” he said. Around the time of the complaints involving Harrington, Larson was repeatedly propositioning, and being rebuffed by, the manager of a local bicycle store that was mostly owned by a firm, Rally Capital, that Cascade had invested in. In 2017, the manager hired a lawyer, who sent a letter to Gates and French Gates warning them that if Larson did not stop harassing her, she would sue them. The letter said Larson had told the manager that he wanted to have sex with her and another woman, according to someone who read the letter. Gates agreed to settle the matter by having a payment made to the bike store manager. French Gates insisted that an outside investigator review the incident and Cascade’s culture, people familiar with the matter previously told The Times. In 2018, Larson went on paid leave while the investigation took place. At the time, Gates told a Cascade employee that he doubted that Larson would ever return, according to a person with knowledge of the conversation. Jessie L. Harris, a lawyer for a Seattle law firm, Williams Kastner, conducted the investigation. He concluded that the bike shop manager’s complaint could not be substantiated. “You should know that Michael wanted to contest the allegations throughout the investigation,” Giglio said. “But he, obviously, was not the ultimate decision-maker.” Larson returned from leave in 2019. Cascade’s chief operating officer had departed during Larson’s absence, and Scott left shortly after his return. To curb Larson’s influence over Cascade, Gates told him to hire a new chief operating officer, a former Cascade employee said. Giglio said the process included a committee and an outside search firm. The pick was Larson’s college and business school classmate. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company

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Biden's Silence on Abortion Rights at a Key Moment Worries Liberals

State legislatures have introduced more than 500 restrictions on abortion over the past four months. The Supreme Court plans to take up a case that could weaken or even overturn the constitutional right to abortion enshrined nearly a half-century ago in Roe v. Wade. And as reproductive rights advocates sound alarms about what they see as an existential threat to abortion rights, many worry that the leader they helped elect is not meeting the moment. Despite the urgency felt by much of his party, President Joe Biden has said little about abortion publicly while in office. In fact, he hasn’t said the word itself — an avoidance so noticeable that one women’s health group has created a website tracking his reluctance, DidBidenSayAbortionYet.org. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times Many activists fear that Biden’s personal discomfort with the issue is keeping him from leading the Democratic Party into a more offensive position on abortion rights, both through more aggressive policymaking and leveraging the agenda-setting power of the presidency. “What we really need is for President Biden to be a bold and transformational leader on abortion right now, but we haven’t seen that yet,” said Gretchen Borchelt, vice president for reproductive rights and health at the National Women’s Law Center. “It’s a different world from when he was vice president, and so far we haven’t felt that recognition of urgency from this administration.” Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary, has been just as circumspect in her public appearances. When asked about topics like new state laws restricting abortion and the looming court case, she has relied on euphemisms like “women’s fundamental rights” and “the right to choose.” A White House statement in January on the 48th anniversary of the Roe v. Wade decision promised to defend “reproductive health.” After Biden signed executive orders expanding abortion access and overturning restrictions on the use of taxpayer dollars for clinics that refer or counsel patients to terminate pregnancies, he took a victory lap for protecting “women’s health access” and returning to the policies that existed before former President Donald Trump took office. “If you’re unable to say the word, you’re also going to have trouble making sure that the people who are most impacted get the care and the protections that we need,” said Renee Bracey Sherman, an abortion rights advocate who started the website monitoring Biden’s reticence. “To me that’s not a champion. That is not someone who is really even trying to show up for people who need abortions.” Biden’s cautiousness on an issue central to his political base comes as he confronts the realities of leading a Democratic Party that shifted sharply to the left during the Trump administration. While Biden has moved left himself on many issues including abortion, liberals are finding their ambitions curtailed on immigration, criminal justice, gun control and other priorities by their razor-thin control of the Senate and a president whom they are pushing to take a more aggressive approach. The disagreement within the party over priorities is particularly acute on abortion rights, a core part of Democrats’ pitch to the suburban and Black women who helped lift Biden into office. Planned Parenthood and other reproductive rights organizations poured tens of millions of dollars into Biden’s campaign, a recognition of the damage the Trump administration and Republican control of Congress caused to their movement. Still, abortion rights are particularly challenging personal terrain for Biden, an observant Catholic who underwent a decades-long conversion to the cause. Some conservative American bishops have called for Biden, the country’s second Catholic president, to be denied communion because of his support for abortion rights, a move the Vatican warned against this month. A White House aide Wednesday declined to comment on the specific criticisms from reproductive rights advocates but said the administration remained committed to protecting abortion rights. “The president and the vice president are devoted to ensuring that every American has access to health care, including reproductive health care, regardless of their income, ZIP code, race, health insurance status or immigration status,” Psaki said at a briefing last week when asked what actions the administration might take if the Supreme Court ruled to undermine Roe. Congressional Democrats pushing legislation on abortion say they are largely satisfied with the administration’s stance. “They’re juggling quite a few policies, but their agenda is an agenda that values reproductive rights for women,” said Rep. Barbara Lee of California, a Democrat who has introduced several bills to roll back abortion restrictions. “I’m confident that we have a partner in the White House.” No matter what approach Biden takes to expanding abortion rights, his administration will be starting from behind. Access to abortion is more vulnerable than it has been since the constitutional right was won in Roe, in part because of the work of social conservatives who spent years methodically rallying the millions who oppose abortion rights from statehouses to Washington. Liberals lost the Supreme Court for a generation when Justice Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed last fall, expanding a conservative majority. If the court moves to overturn Roe, abortion would be likely to quickly become illegal in 22 states. Even if the law is upheld in some form, this year is already on track to be the most damaging state legislative session to abortion rights in a decade, according to a report by the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights. After decades in which conventional political wisdom dictated that abortion energized the right, many Democratic strategists and candidates now see the issue as a powerful way to mobilize their voters, particularly suburban women. Nationwide, a majority of Americans support legal abortion access in some or all cases. “From the presidential race to House races, this is an extremely motivating factor,” said Meredith Kelly, a Democratic strategist who worked for Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand’s presidential campaign and for House Democrats’ campaign arm during their takeover of the chamber in 2018. Biden entered the Senate in 1973 as a 30-year-old, just weeks before the Roe v. Wade decision. He soon concluded that the Supreme Court had gone “too far” on abortion rights, and years later voted for a constitutional amendment that would have allowed states to overturn Roe. He has cast his evolution as a matter of wrestling with the teachings of his faith. But his shifting views over the years also reflect a political calculation about the changing mores of his party. Under pressure from activists and allies early in the 2020 Democratic primary race, Biden reversed his decades-long support for the Hyde Amendment, a measure that prohibits federal funding for most abortions, and that supporters of abortion rights say all but bans the procedure for poor women and women of color who rely on Medicaid for their health care. Campaign aides who urged Biden to shift his stance have said his initial reluctance was tied to his faith. Yet as a presidential candidate, Biden was far less vocal than many of his rivals in the primary, including Vice President Kamala Harris, who once compared an Alabama law effectively banning abortion to “a scene from ‘The Handmaid’s Tale.’” “If one were to look at him as a Catholic and his attendance at Mass and the way he looks at life and death and everything else, culturally he’s like 1,000% Catholic,” said Jo Renee Formicola, a professor of political science at Seton Hall University who studies the relationship between the Catholic Church and American lawmakers. “He’s very, very Catholic, but when it comes to being political, he’s much more pragmatic than Catholic.” In office, Biden has reversed several Trump administration policies, including rolling back restrictions on abortion pills, removing a ban on federally funded medical research that uses fetal tissue from abortions, and reversing limits on funding for U.S. and international groups that provide abortion services or referrals. Some abortion advocates say those early moves fall short. His joint address to Congress did not mention the threat to abortion rights, referring only in passing to “protecting women’s health.” Harris, once fairly outspoken on the issue, has made no notable remarks on it since taking office. “The level of the crisis calls for a stronger level of leadership,” said Kelley Robinson, the executive director of the Planned Parenthood Action Fund. “We’re looking for them to be explicit champions for sexual and reproductive health care and to use that bully pulpit to make sure that’s a priority that’s expressed from the highest office in the land.” Many advocates are looking to the president’s fiscal 2022 budget, set to be released Friday, as a crucial marker of the administration’s position. Reproductive rights organizations are pushing Biden to make good on his promise to eliminate the Hyde Amendment and other restrictions on federal money. His administration has also called on Congress to codify abortion rights, which would guarantee reproductive rights nationwide even if the Supreme Court overturned Roe. But it has not proposed specific legislation or unveiled any strategy for pushing such a bill through Congress. Many in the reproductive rights community believe Biden must expand his agenda, adopting ideas from the Democratic primary like a federal preclearance requirement for state abortion laws banning targeted regulations of abortion providers that make it harder for clinics to remain open making the drugs misoprostol and mifepristone, which induce abortions, available around the country and nominating only judges who support abortion rights, an explicit pledge Democrats have long avoided. “Codifying Roe is basically meaningless in states that have legislated it out of reach. If that’s your standard-bearer, then we’re having the wrong conversation,” said Destiny Lopez, a co-president of All* Above All, an abortion rights group. “There is an opportunity here to put out a longer-term, broader vision that’s based on the reality of abortion access today.” Of the Biden administration, she added: “They could start by actually saying the word.” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company

Influencers Say They Were Urged to Criticize Pfizer Vaccine

PARIS — The mysterious London public relations agency sent its pitch simultaneously to social media influencers in France and Germany: Claim that Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine is deadly and that regulators and the mainstream media are covering it up, the message read, and earn thousands of euros in easy money in exchange. The claim is false. The purported agency, Fazze, has a website and describes itself as an “influencer marketing platform” connecting bloggers and advertisers. But when some of the influencers tried to find out who was running Fazze, the ephemeral trail appeared to lead to Russia. “Unbelievable. The address of the London agency that contacted me is bogus,” Léo Grasset, a popular French health and science YouTuber with more than 1 million followers, wrote on Twitter Monday. “All the employees have weird LinkedIn profiles … which have been missing since this morning. Everyone has worked in Russia before.” Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times Mirko Drotschmann, a German health commentator with 1.5 million YouTube subscribers, said in a tweet that the PR agency had asked if he wanted to be part of an “information campaign” about Pfizer deaths in exchange for money. After doing some research, he concluded, “Agency headquarters: London. Residence of the CEO: Moscow.” Their responses prompted two other social media influencers to come forward and say they too were approached last week with the offer of a “partnership” to criticize the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine. One was offered 2,000 euros. It is uncertain how many influencers received the solicitations or if any acted on them. And it is not at all clear that there ever was a Fazze agency. Within hours of the questions on social media, the employee profiles on the agency’s LinkedIn account had disappeared, and someone scrubbed its Facebook page blank. Its Instagram account was made private. Its website offers no way to contact the company. The French health minister, Olivier Véran, denounced the operation Tuesday, calling it “pathetic and dangerous.” He did not elaborate on whether the government was investigating the matter. While France is trying to speed efforts to achieve so-called herd immunity from COVID-19 before summer with faster vaccine rollouts, it remains one of Europe’s largest vaccine-skeptic countries, with nearly one-third of its people saying they do not want a jab. Since spring, many residents have refused to take the AstraZeneca vaccine after reports that it may cause blood clots, prompting the government to switch largely to Pfizer, which more people have been willing to accept. About 15% of the population has been fully vaccinated. President Emmanuel Macron last week reopened restaurants, stores and other parts of the economy that had been more or less shuttered since November. He is betting that widespread immunization will be key to keeping the economy up and running while luring tourists back after a devastating pandemic-induced recession. Any further outbreaks could lead to a reclosing of parts of the economy, his government has warned. The messages from the so-called Fazze agency, in broken English, urged the social media influencers to create posts and videos on YouTube, TikTok and Instagram to “explain” that “the death rate among the vaccinated with Pfizer is almost 3x higher than the vaccinated by AstraZeneca.” In Grasset’s case, a message from a person who identified himself as Anton boasted that the agency had a “quite considerable” budget for an “information campaign” about “COVID-19 and the vaccines offered to the European population, notably AstraZeneca and Pfizer.” Grasset, who posted screenshots of the messages he received, said Anton had been willing to pay for 45- to 60-second videos on Instagram, TikTok or YouTube warning that the Pfizer vaccine was deadly. Anton also asked him to “act like you have the passion and interest in this topic,” while avoiding the terms “advertising” and “sponsored” in posts. “The material should be presented as your own independent view,” the pitch said. “Encourage viewers to draw their own conclusions, take care of themselves and their loved ones,” the instructions continued. The influencers described being urged to question why governments were buying the Pfizer vaccine and to portray the European Union, which signed a deal last month for 1.8 billion doses of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine, as a monopoly that was causing harm to public health. They were also asked to tell their followers that “the mainstream media ignores this theme.” Before the coronavirus broke out, Russian trolls were already using vaccine debates to sow discord, according to a 2018 study published in the American Journal of Public Health. Twitter accounts that Russian agents used to meddle in the 2016 presidential election also sent both pro- and anti-vaccine messages and insulted parents. In April, a European Union report said Russian and Chinese media were systematically seeking to sow mistrust in Western COVID-19 vaccines in disinformation campaigns aimed at the West. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company

School of Rock 's Kevin Clark Dead at 32 After Cycling Accident

Former child star and drummer Kevin Clark, who starred opposite Jack Black in School of Rock, died Wednesday, May 26 after being hit by a car in Chicago.